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PERRIN LOVETT

~ Deo Vindice

PERRIN LOVETT

Tag Archives: judicial review

Interposition, Nullification, and Secession

25 Monday Feb 2013

Posted by perrinlovett in Uncategorized

≈ 5 Comments

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Last year I started this humble blog with a short column on the unGodly ObamaCare decision from the Supreme Court, https://perrinlovett.wordpress.com/2012/06/28/the-shared-responsibility-tax-obamacare-a-hit-with-the-supremes-4/.  ObamaCare is not about healthcare for anyone.  It is merely an Insurance Company welfare scheme with taxes that no-one knew were taxes (not even Obama) and bankruptcy-inducing mandates. 

At the end of that early missive I promised to cover possible solutions to the mounting problem of federal tyranny.  Specifically, I named interposition, nullification, and secession as possibilities.  Let’s talk about those now, briefly.

Well, first let’s see how the Republicans did with reversing the law as they boasted they would.  I recall some GOPer saying they would overturn the nightmarish law before the Supremes even got to rule on it.  Didn’t happen.  After the ruling they said they would eliminate the massive tax act before their chosen man, Mittens Romney, the founder of the ObamaCare School of Medicine, won the election.  None of that happened either.  With the nation staring down the barrel of a potentially economy-wrecking gun, they said they would stop the law before it took effect on January 1st of this year.  Having proven themselves to be lying, delusional idiots, we can write off the buffoons of the Elaphantitis party.

Back to my proposals – I’ll take them in the order I first set forth, as that seems to be the hierarchy from least to most extreme.

Interposition

Interposition is a process whereby a State of the American Union declares an Act of Congress or some other federal action to be UnConstitutional and positions itself as a shield between the feds and the citizens of the State.  Wikipedia says that the federal courts have held this an illegitimate theory and that only they have the power of Constitutional review – “Judicial Review.”  See: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interposition.  Wiki doesn’t mention it by name, but the theory of Judicial Review originated, federally speaking, in the case of Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803).   Maybe you’ve heard of this landmark case, students of “Constitutional Law” are taught to revere it.  I was never impressed. 

First, this was one of a shady series of early Supreme Court cases concerning personal profits unfit for court review at all.  Second, if this case did deserve formal investigation and resolution, then such should have been undertaken by the political branches whom the matter concerned anyway.  Third, and most importantly, judicial review by the federal courts is a legal fiction.  Nowhere in the Constitution is the right granted the courts to rule so authoritatively on our laws.  Had the Framers intended such power, they would have written it in; several State Constitutions do grant this power to State Courts (Georgia, for example).

I do not withhold the ability of any court to say a law is UnConstitutional.  Courts should point such out when discovered.  In fact, any branch may make that determination.  President Bush, the Dimmer, said that the McCain-Feingold Campaign Finance law was UnConstitutional, then signed it anyway.  Before that, obviously, Congress had deliberated on the law and must have sensed its illegality.  Bush remarked that the Supreme Court would have to make the ultimate determination.  They did.  Ironically, the Court essentially said (and rightly) the law concerned only the political branches and since both had approved the measure, they would too out of deference.  I had an outrageously humorous “discussion” about this fiasco with a political celebrity in 2004; I’ll relate that in a future post.  This was a case of government gone wild.  Of the three branches, law-making is the art of Congress; correcting bad laws is also.

Anyone who can read and think can declare a law within or without the bounds of the Constitution.  I do it all the time.  However, my power of enforcement is rather weak to say the least.  The theory of interposition, and that of nullification, comes from the ability of the States to so declare a law.  Their power is greater than mine and their authority is a bit more grounded than that of the Courts.  “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”  U.S. Const., Amendment 10.  UnConstitutional laws are those based in authority which is not among those very few expressly Constitutionally delegated powers of the national government ,and thus, are within the purview of the States to affect.  The Tenth Amendment’s reference to “the people” is as fuzzy a concept as anything else in man’s law.  Ultimately, under our form of republican government, the people have the final say on authority as exercised by their voting.  The people prove time and again to be useless guardians of their own liberties.

Interposition was made famous long ago by the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions (1798), which declared the States’ ability to invalidate federal law.  The practice was used to various effect in the 1800’s.  Times have changed dramatically (for the worse) since that Century, with the States giving away a great deal of their former power.  There was also the matter of the war between the States which decided by force and murder, rather than by law, some of these issues. 

Nullification

Nullification is essentially Interposition but with an added declaration by a State or States they will not enforce a federal law or allow enforcement within their territory.  This theory was set forth also by the afore-noted Resolutions.  It has been erroneously dismissed by the courts.  And, it would seem to reside in a previous time.  The theory has raised its head recently though, as it does from time to time.  A few States have begun to void federal laws in principle at least.  Montana, for example, has decided that certain federal firearms laws do not apply within the Montana state lines.  It remains to be seen whether Montana or other modern States will actually take any action necessary to give life to their declarations.

In the old days, States did just that.  The 19th Century was repeat with State and local agents boldly denying the federal government on certain matters.  When a federal agent or officer appeared to enforce a particular objectionable action, the locals would run the fellow out of town on a rail, literally sometimes.  A great read on the subject is Thomas Woods’s Nullification (2010), http://www.amazon.com/Nullification-Resist-Federal-Tyranny-Century/dp/1596981490. 

Again, with the demise of State power and authority in general (see the 16th and 17th Amendments, etc.) the plausibility of nullification seems a dim prospect. 

Secession

Dimmer still, is the ultimate practice of State dissent.  The original 13 colonies of England, once they had declared their independence from the King, became 13 independent nations.  They joined together to fight the Revolutionary War and then entered into a Federation for mutual benefit.  A federation is a group of sovereign entities which come together for some purpose; they remain sovereign.  The Constitution changed none of this.  No language therein makes the federal union permanent and eternally binding upon the member States.

Should a State find itself at unacceptable odds with the central government, it has the power to dissolve its connections and become a completely separate nation again.  Several State assemblies expressly said so when they ratified the Constitution.  This is in complete keeping with the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, just substitute U.S.A. for King George, III. 

Again, and again and again, the States have not only given up power to Washington over the years, they have also become somewhat dependent on D.C. and tend to exhibit a slavish loyalty thereto.  This all renders the prospect of a State succeeding in the 21st Century remote.  There are secessionist movements in some States, like the Free Vermont Republic.  The FVR even has its own flag, but little chance of success. 

There is also the specter of Mr. Lincoln’s illegal war.  The war decided nothing formally or legally.  Wars are not rational undertaking, just pure contests of military power.  Since 1865 the several States have all but abandoned their military power while Washington has assembled the most awesome and dreaded arsenal in the history of mankind.  While secession remains a perfectly legal option, the odds of success do not favor the States.

Where We Are

In today’s political climate none of these three solutions are likely to receive formal discussion by the several States, let alone action.  Deprived of legal and political solutions, what then are we to do? 

Some people with means are beginning to leave the United States for smaller, freer countries.  I do not begrudge them their decisions.  However, I do not like the idea of being run out of my homeland and into a foreign country where, as history dictates, anything can and will happen.  In a way, I would rather stay and face the devil I know here.

There is always the ability of the States or of Congress to call for a new Constitutional Amendment or even a Convention wherein objectionable laws might be remedied.  Amendments are hard to pass these days.  It’s hard to get Congress or the legislature of any State to act productively or intelligently.  Honestly, the idea of a new Constitutional Convention scares me.  While one could hypothetically end with great advances in Liberty, such as returning to the Articles of Confederation or just eliminating the national government completely, I fear, given the weakness of the people and their representatives, we could end up with something far worse.  Imagine 1984, Farenheit 451, Nazi Germany and the old Soviet Union all rolled into one!

Every two years or so the citizens of the States have the opportunity to turn out at least a third of the federal government’s elected morons.  The power to change the government lies with the people by their dismissing representatives who do not do their bidding.  The people must not be aware of this authority or else, they must approve of their government as is.  Options grow thin.

Time will eventually change everything.  5,000 years from now most people living won’t remember the United States.  Given the self-destructive tendencies of our government, it is likely we need not wait that long.  Either way, awaiting the inevitable collapse of leviathan, like expectations of the end of days, is tedious at best.

I’ll see if I can come up with something else more actionable.  You work on it too.

Posse Comitatus

20 Wednesday Feb 2013

Posted by perrinlovett in Uncategorized

≈ 25 Comments

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I love follow-up stories.  The other day I did a piece about military drones killing Americans and mentioned the Posse Comitatus Act as a possible solution.  I said I’d have more to say about the Act soon.  Here it is:

On June 18th of this year we will all celebrate the 135th birthday of the Posse Comitatus Act, 18 U.S.C. § 1385.  Happy Birthday, Pos-Com!!!  Maybe you do not share my zeal?  Perhaps you have never heard of this great Act or maybe you don’t know what it means.  Allow me to educate you.  The Posse Comitatus Act means absolutely nothing.  Those who will celebrate the creation of this dead letter are those who should be prosecuted under it – namely those members of the various executive branches of the Federal and state governments. 

“18 U.S.C. § 1385” is a legal citation to the United States Code, referring to Section 1385 of Title 18.  Title 18 is the federal criminal code thus, Posse Comitatus creates a criminal offense.  Like 99.99% of federal criminal laws it only sets forth a felony offense and punishment.  Unlike most federal crimes though, the Act carries a lower than usual maximum sentence and it HAS NEVER BEEN PROSECUTED!

In law school I wrote a lengthy research paper on the Act – Posse Comitatus – written for my advanced Constitutional Decision-Making seminar taught by the very Honorable Professor John B. Anderson.  Anderson represented the people of Illinois’s 16th Congressional District for twenty years.  You may recall his 1980 independent run for President against Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan.  You may also recall his book The American Economy We Need from 1984.

I consider Professor (as I always call him) Anderson a good friend.  Once he and his wife, Keke, graciously received my wife and I at their beautiful home on a visit to Washington.  However, back when I initially presented my paper proposal to him he seemed a bit skeptical.  I suspect that, at the time, even he had not heard of the Act.  As the semester progressed though our Nation’s Capital came under the terror of the Beltway snipers.  Anderson called me one day and said he had just heard a news report on the radio about the snipers, the hunt therefore, and … the Posse Comitatus Act.  He was hooked and I received an “A” for my efforts. 

Over the ensuing decade I have ripped the paper apart, added to it, and conducted additional research on the Act and many related matters.  In the not to distant future (later in 2013 perhaps) I look forward to publishing a book based in part on my original thesis.  The book is tentatively called A Well Regulated Militia (Amazon/CreateSpace/Kindle) and will relate to all things Second Amendment, Militia, and tyranny prevention (and reversal).  This would include, for reasons cited herein, below, the Pose Comitatus Act.  This work will be far more substantial than The Time Given (soon, I promise), though that treatise is no less important to the scope of human happiness than anything else I write.

I hope the book-buying public also gives my work an “A” and I experience mass market financial success.  Remember, you need not actually read a book; what counts is buying it (multiple copies if possible).  I have limited the many notes and many of the citations which accompanied my old paper and which will inevitably appear in the book.  For the book I intend to clean them up, eliminate them if possible, or relegate them to the seldom viewed “Notes” section at the back. I hear notes, like charts and graphs, drive down sales.  Pictures have been known to help though:

Minutemen-1776

(Our Posse.  Source: Google images).

The history of the Act is a great part of the history of the 19th century in America.  As you may recall in the middle of that century we had a rather unpleasant incident which resulted in the deaths of about 600,000 men.  I refuse to call it The Civil War because it wasn’t.  A “civil war” is where two or more factions fight for control of a central government.  In our case, the Southerners wanted to be free of Washington, not in control of it.  It also wasn’t a declared war (I’ve had debates with other attorneys about what that meant). My northern friends often ask me my opinions about the war.  I can sum the up easily: it was as deadly as it was unnecessary. 

I am in the minority of honest legal historians who believe that the southern states had every authority to seceed from the union.  I think any state today has that same authority.  Nothing in the Constitution compels eternal membership and several states expressly reserved the ability to withdraw at any time.  They asserted a Natural Law position which, being universal, would seem to apply to even those states which joined without such reservation. 

Back in the Nineteenth Century, America was plagued with major problems – debt, financial scams, economic warfare, lying politicians, and, of course, slavery.  Come to think of it, the more things change, the more they stay the same.

You may recall from history that once the “war” was over and the Union reunited, a probationary period was imposed on the southern states.  This period was known as Reconstruction.  It was rank with abuse.  In numerous cases the legislatures of southern states and other institutions were invaded or harassed by regular army troops.  The Posse Comitatus Act was passed partly in  response to these alarming events. 

“Posse Comitatus” is a Latin phrase roughly meaning “power of the county.”  “Posse” in latin is a verb which means to “be able” or to “have power”.  “Comitatus” means “company” or “retinue.”  In other words, it refers to the local militia – those men available for service in times of crisis.   An aside, suited for a future article: “militia” does not correlate with the “National Guard.” 

The concept of the militia predates and was well established at the time of our nation’s founding.  Congress still acknowledges the militia separately from the Guard; the Guard and the militia are differentiated under Titles 10 and 32 of the U.S. Code.  Every State maintains a militia (at least in the law books) separate from the Guard.  In Georgia, the State militia is officially the Georgia State Defense Force.  See: O.C.G.A. § 38-2-23, et seq. 

The Guard was instituted in the early twentieth century and is essentially a back-up force for the regular national army – it is sometimes on loan to the several States.  Enough on that for now.

The Pose Comitatus Act reads, in its entirety: “Whoever, except in cases and circumstances expressly authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress, willfully uses any part of the Army or the Air Force as a posse comitatus or otherwise to execute the laws shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than two years, or both.”   18 U.S.C. § 1385.   

The Act (let’s call it the “PCA” from here out) originally started out as an amendment to the Army Appropriations Bill (H.R. 4867) for the fiscal year ending in 1879.  This would be during the forty-fifth congress, second session, in 1878.  The initial mention of the concept of the PCA as an amendment came from Rep. William Kimmel of Maryland on May 20, 1878.  Kimmel was cut off in mid speech by time constraints; however, he successfully laid the framework for the PCA amendment.  See: 7 Cong. Rec. 3586. 

H.R. 4867, PCA and all, eventually became law on June 18, 1878, hence the pending birthday celebration.  See: 7 Cong. Rec. 4686.  Some scholars have speculated the PCA was enacted only to end the use of he army in supervising southern elections and legislative sessions.  Earlier I said the PCA was partly enacted for the reasons said scholars state.  I, however, dug deep into Congressional history (boy, what fun) and found a more complicated picture. 

The roots behind the theory of Posse Comitatus go much deeper and further back in history than the American Republic.  The concept was present at the end of the Roman Republic, more than twenty centuries ago.  Gauis Curio attempted to disarm Caesar’s returning army in order to preserve domestic tranquility.  See: Caesar, The Gallic War, Loeb Classical Library, 587 (Harvard U. Press, 2000).  As you know, Caesar “crossed the Rubicon” and the Empire shortly thereafter commenced.

In early America the fear of armed military forces present in everyday life was of grave concern to our Founding Fathers.  Beginning the Declaration of Independence with a nod to Natural Law, Thomas Jefferson listed the first grievance against King George that “He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislature. … He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.”  Dec. Independence, para. 13 – 14 (1776).  Jefferson listed various other similar complaints against the King.

Jefferson was not alone in his fear of standing armies, provisions against which found their way into both the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution (remember the Constitution?).  In The Federalist Papers, Alexander Hamilton, himself not the greatest proponent of freedom, railed against the standing army as “unsupported by any precise or intelligible designations of reasons.”  The Federalist, No. 27 (Hamilton).   

The Forty-Fifth Congress considered several issues in developing the PCA: a standing army versus a militia; limited central government; and, the proper (if any) uses for an army within the confines of the territory of the Republic.  A sub-issue of concern at the end of the 19th Century was the potential rise of communism, which Congress greatly and rightly feared.  Karl Marx was still alive at the time of the PCA debate, his works on “economics” relatively fresh off the presses.  Rep. Abram S. Hewitt of New York commented on the subject: “If you want to fan communism, increase your standing army and you will have enough of it.”  7 Cong. Rec. H. 3538 (1878). 

Rep. Kimmel stated the then current use of the army in domestic affairs was a direct “violation of the Constitution.”  He cited numerous examples of federal troops aiding tax agents, governors, sheriffs, and district attorneys in Georgia, Kentucky, Michigan, and New York.  7 Cong. Rec. 3580 – 3582.  Again, it is popularly said that the PCA was the result of Southern states fed up with the misuse of federal soldiers during elections. Most of Kimmel’s examples were responses to tax collections and labor disputes.  In 1878, as today, New York and Michigan are generally regarded as northern states.  Other Representatives related similar troubles all across the country.  The problem was national in scope.

In the Senate the debate continued.  Senator Benjamin Hill of Georgia remarked, “A posse comitatus is a wholly different thing from an army; it is different in every respect from an army…”  7 Cong. Rec. 4246.  He continued, “it never was lawful, it never shall be lawful, to employ the army as a posse comitatus until you destroy the distinction between civil power and the military power in this country.”  Id. 

As the PCA is a criminal law and given the federal Empire’s love of prosecuting any and everything, one would expect numerous cases under the PCA over the past century or so.  One would be mistaken.  There has never been one single case brought against anyone under the PCA.  This may be due to the fact that the most likely suspects are government officials.  They don’t like to go after their own.  Honor among thieves you know.

The closest semblance of judicial review of the PCA has been in the form of indirect rulings in cases involving other crimes.  Defendants have asserted, as a defense, an alleged violation of the PCA by government officials executing some duty (such as drug enforcement).  This defense universally fails.  I will not bore my audience with any particular cases, though they date from at least 1975 and continue into this Century.

Oddly, I, the great authority on this matter, was once threatened with the potential of facing a PCA violation!  Yes, yours truly, Perrin Lovett.  It all stemmed from one of those lovely anti-family law cases of which I have previously expounded: https://perrinlovett.wordpress.com/2013/02/09/anti-family-law/.  I believe it was a custody dispute. 

Anyway, the defendant was a member of the U.S. Army stationed at Camp Zama in Japan.  Thus, I was tasked with the trouble of perfecting International legal service of process which is not necessarily the easiest thing to do.  I decided to circumvent technicalities by having the defendant simply acknowledge he had received my petition.  Not having an exact address for him, I contacted several offices at the Camp in an attempt to solicit their help in the matter.  The Provost Marshall’s office quickly told me they could not assist with serving a civil lawsuit without running afoul of the PCA.  They actually said that; you know, from the history given here, this type of situation was not within the original intention of Congress.  I pointed out that I was not asking for such, just for friendly information.  As luck would have it, I located the defendant on my own and the case went forward.  As usual, no-one was happy.  Correction: I am happy to have avoided being the only PCA prosecution in history.

Back to reality.  There have been cases innumerable of the military becoming involved in civil law enforcement – from the “war” on drugs to the massacre at Waco, to the Wounded Knee massacre, to the hunt for the D.C. snipers, etcetera, ad nauseum.  Why then, have there been no criminal cases arising from the incidents?

The answer lies in the actions of both the Executive branch and, especially, with Congress.  Exception after exception to the PCA have been enacted over the long years.  Congress has all but rendered the PCA a dead letter to the point the Act is useless for its intended purpose.  

It is somewhat interesting that, having taken the teeth away, Congress has not fully repealed the PCA.  This may be because federal laws never die, they linger forever, used or not.  Amazingly, as recently as 2005, the 107th Congress reaffirmed the spirit of the PCA, literally, but not meaningfully.  “The Congress reaffirms the continued importance of …[the PCA] … and it is the sense of Congress that nothing in this Act [H.R. 5005 – creating the Department of Homeland Security] should be construed to alter the applicability of such section to any use of the Armed Forces as a posse comitatus to execute the laws.”  H.R. 5005 § 780(a) – (b). 

The Homeland Security debacle … Act … followed the Patriot Act and decades of “war” on drugs, crime, and your freedom.  Various National Defense Authorization Acts have followed.  The result has been the complete decimation of the PCA.  President Bush (No. 43) and his successor, Barack Obama, have made clear their intention to use the military whenever necessary, wherever needed, to keep us safe, of course.  Obama even claims he can use military weapons to kill without Due Process.  The protests against his claim are less than deafening.  I protest!

I have some suggestions for changes and improvements to restore the vitality of the PCA.  This is one of the few instances where you will ever hear me call for a new or continued statute.  In the name of freedom, Congress should amend the PCA first to kill all of the previous exemptions.  Second, they should specify that the law only applies to those members of the federal, state, or local governments who would dare to use federal military force to accomplish civil law enforcement of any kind; they could define a violation as an act of government employee-specific treason. 

The punishment could be expanded accordingly.  Perhaps the original punishment might be appropriate in minor cases.  Others, such as those which involve the mass killing of American citizens could be made capital felonies.  Congress has the Constitutional authority to also limit the review of any conviction from any court – including the Supreme Court; thus, when a high official (an attorney general for example) orders Army tanks to drive into a church and burn the worshippers within alive, that official could be convicted under the PCA and immediately hanged in public.  This might serve as a warning to future would-be tyrants. 

Again, this is only a suggestion.  I do not relish the idea of killing even to avenge killing.  I reconsider, reluctantly, when the dread act(s) have the potential of continuing against all of the free people.

This leads me back to my article on drones picking off the voting, tax-suffering public, https://perrinlovett.wordpress.com/2013/02/15/droning-on-and-on/.  A President, already forbidden to use military drones against domestic targets (his already unConstitutional Orders overridden by my proposed law) might think twice about defying the law if he knew the gallows awaited his defiance.

The issues raised herein may likely lead to other related articles.  All of which concern you and those you hold dear.  It is your freedom, security, and happiness that drives me to raise the alarm – the same alarm raised by the Founders and the forgotten members of the forty-fifth Congress.  Bless their wisdom and fore-sighted concern.

Perrin Lovett

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